Published online Nov 19, 2026. doi: 10.5498/wjp.124924
Revised: July 25, 2026
Accepted: September 8, 2026
Published online: November 19, 2026
Processing time: 125 Days and 8.1 Hours
People are increasingly exposed to distressing events through news feeds, social media, images, videos, and continuous digital updates. In clinical practice, some patients describe anxiety, sleep disturbance, irritability, exhaustion, and difficulty disengaging from threat-related information, even when they have not been directly exposed to a traumatic event. Existing concepts, including vicarious trau
Core Tip: This review proposes external stress overload as a clinical framework for understanding how repeated indirect exposure to threatening information may contribute to distress in contemporary digital environments. The model integrates evidence on vicarious trauma, media-induced stress, doomscrolling, uncertainty, rumination, impaired recovery, and stress biology. It is not presented as a new diagnosis, but as a working concept that may help clinicians assess when media exposure, poor recovery, and repeated checking become maintaining factors for anxiety, sleep disturbance, emotional dysregulation, and functional impairment.
- Citation: Amiri D, Briziarelli L, Amiri S, Karlsson B, Shah SJ, Rahimi Danesh H. Beyond direct trauma: Vicarious exposure, media-induced stress, and external stress overload as emerging public mental health challenges. World J Psychiatry 2026; 16(11): 124924
- URL: https://www.wjgnet.com/2220-3206/full/v16/i11/124924.htm
- DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.5498/wjp.124924
In contemporary clinical practice, it is increasingly common to meet patients whose distress is not linked to one clearly identifiable traumatic event. Instead, they describe a more diffuse but persistent burden: Repeated exposure to war, violence, political instability, climate-related disasters, pandemics, and other threats through news feeds, social media, images, videos, and continuous digital updates. Some report difficulty disengaging from this information despite feeling worse after exposure. Others present with sleep disturbance, irritability, anxiety, exhaustion, hypervigilance, or a reduced capacity to recover psychologically between episodes of threat-related in
This does not mean that ordinary media exposure should be pathologized. Most people are exposed to distressing information without developing clinically significant symptoms. However, the modern information environment differs from earlier forms of news exposure in several clinically relevant ways. It is continuous, personalized by algorithms, visually intense, rapidly updated, and often emotionally amplified. For some individuals, especially those with pre-existing vulnerability, limited recovery, high uncertainty intolerance, or ongoing life stress, repeated indirect exposure may become more than background information. It may function as a chronic stressor.
The idea that psychological distress can arise indirectly is not new. Concepts such as vicarious trauma and secondary traumatic stress were originally developed to describe the psychological impact of working with traumatised individuals, particularly among clinicians, first responders, and care providers[1,2]. Later work has extended this perspective to broader populations exposed to collective crises, including terrorism, pandemics, and disasters[3]. Longitudinal studies following events such as the September 11 attacks and the Boston Marathon bombing have shown that repeated media exposure may be associated with acute stress responses, post-traumatic stress symptoms, anxiety, and functional impairment, in some cases even when direct exposure was limited[4-6].
At the same time, related literatures have developed in parallel. Research on disaster media exposure, infodemic dynamics, doomscrolling, intolerance of uncertainty, and crisis-related social media use all describe parts of the same clinical and public mental health problem[7-14]. These areas are valuable, but they do not always speak to each other. One literature emphasises trauma-related symptoms, another focuses on misinformation and information overload, while another examines repetitive checking, uncertainty, or negative affect after social media use. In clinical reality, these processes may occur together.
The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic made this problem more visible. Many individuals were not only exposed to the biological threat of infection, but also to a continuous stream of uncertain, emotionally charged, and sometimes conflicting information. Studies from this period reported associations between pandemic-related media consumption and anxiety, depressive symptoms, fear, and psychological distress[9,10,13,15]. Meta-analytic evidence has also shown a high pandemic-related burden of depressive and anxiety symptoms among children and adolescents[16]. Similar patterns have been described in relation to other collective threats, including terrorism, infectious disease out
Several mechanisms may help explain this association. Repeated threat-related exposure may increase salience detection and maintain a state of alertness. Uncertainty may encourage further information-seeking, especially in indi
In this review, we use the term external stress overload to describe a clinically relevant pattern in which persistent indirect exposure to threat-related information, together with insufficient psychological recovery, contributes to sustained cognitive, emotional, behavioral, and physiological stress activation. The term is not proposed as a new diagnosis and should not be treated as equivalent to post-traumatic stress disorder. Rather, it is intended as a working conceptual framework for understanding a form of distress that may be increasingly relevant in digitally saturated societies.
A central feature of this framework is recovery failure. External stress overload is defined not merely by repeated exposure to distressing information, but by the combination of repeated indirect threat exposure, difficulty disengaging, insufficient psychological or physiological recovery, and clinically relevant distress or functional impairment.
The aims of this structured narrative review are therefore threefold: First, to synthesise empirical and theoretical literature on indirect threat exposure and media-related stress; Second, to identify cognitive, behavioral, and neurobiological mechanisms that may link repeated exposure with psychological distress; Third, to propose external stress overload as a testable framework with implications for clinical assessment, digital mental health, prevention, and public mental health communication. The proposed framework should therefore be regarded as a hypothesis-generating conceptual model rather than a new diagnosis or an empirically established construct.
We conducted a structured narrative review of the literature using PubMed, PsycINFO, and Google Scholar. Studies published between 1990 and 2025 were identified through a structured search strategy and narratively synthesized because of substantial heterogeneity in study designs, populations, exposures, and outcomes. The purpose was not to produce a formal meta-analysis or a complete systematic estimate of effect sizes, but to bring together findings from several related areas that are often discussed separately: Vicarious trauma, media-induced stress, doomscrolling, infodemic-related distress, uncertainty, and stress biology. A narrative approach was considered appropriate because the literature is heterogeneous in design, population, terminology, and outcome measures. The review therefore focuses on conceptual integration and clinical relevance rather than quantitative pooling.
A structured literature search was conducted in PubMed, PsycINFO, and Google Scholar for publications from 1990 to 2025. The final literature search was conducted on 15 May 2025. The time frame was chosen to include early work on vicarious trauma and secondary traumatic stress, as well as more recent studies on digital media exposure, pandemic-related information stress, doomscrolling, and the infodemic.
Search terms included combinations of: “Vicarious trauma”, “secondary traumatic stress”, “media exposure”, “social media”, “doomscrolling”, “infodemic”, “uncertainty”, “stress”, “anxiety”, “depression”, “COVID-19”, and “collective trauma”. Reference lists of relevant reviews and key empirical papers were also screened manually to identify additional studies of clinical or conceptual relevance.
Search terms combined controlled vocabulary and free-text keywords related to indirect trauma, media exposure, vicarious trauma, secondary traumatic stress, doomscrolling, infodemic, uncertainty, rumination, stress, and psychological outcomes. Boolean operators (AND/OR) were adapted to the requirements of each database.
Studies were considered relevant if they examined indirect, mediated, or media-based exposure to threat-related information and reported psychological outcomes such as stress, anxiety, depressive symptoms, sleep disturbance, post-traumatic stress symptoms, or functional impairment.
We included cross-sectional, longitudinal, experimental, systematic review, meta-analytic, and conceptually relevant papers. Studies were prioritized when they contributed to understanding exposure patterns, cognitive mechanisms, behavioral reinforcement, recovery processes, or neurobiological stress activation.
Because Google Scholar retrieves a very large number of results, only the first 200 records sorted by relevance were screened, consistent with common practice in narrative reviews. Titles, abstracts, and full-text articles were screened by the author according to the predefined eligibility criteria. Studies considered most relevant to the objectives of this review were included in the final narrative synthesis.
The initial database and supplementary searches identified more than 200 potentially relevant records. After title and abstract screening, 86 full-text articles were assessed for relevance. Of these, 21 studies judged to be most directly relevant to the review objectives were summarized in Table 1 and used as key evidence in the narrative synthesis.
| Ref. | Design | Population | Exposure | Outcomes | Key findings | Relevance to model |
| Lisa Mccann and Pearlman[1] | Conceptual | Clinicians | Indirect trauma exposure | Psychological impact | Introduced the vicarious trauma framework | Foundational for indirect exposure |
| Figley[2] | Conceptual | Care providers | Secondary trauma | Emotional fatigue | Defined compassion fatigue | Theoretical basis |
| Pfefferbaum and North[3] | Narrative review | General population | Pandemic stress | Anxiety; distress | Described widespread mental health burden during the pandemic | Population-level context |
| Holman et al[4] | Longitudinal | United States adults | Media exposure after Boston Marathon bombing | Acute stress | Higher media exposure was associated with greater stress; in some cases exceeding direct exposure | Core evidence |
| Holman et al[5] | Longitudinal | Adults | Trauma-related media | Mental health; functioning | Media exposure predicted distress and functional impairment | Core evidence |
| Silver et al[6] | Longitudinal | United States population | 9/11 media exposure | PTSD symptoms; distress | Showed persistent psychological effects across the population | Core evidence |
| Pfefferbaum et al[7] | Systematic review | Mixed populations | Disaster media exposure | Psychological outcomes | Reported a consistent link between disaster media exposure and distress | Meta-level support |
| Garfin et al[15] | Conceptual review | General population | COVID-19 media exposure | Stress; anxiety | Proposed that media exposure may amplify public health consequences | Conceptual bridge |
| Racine et al[16] | Meta-analysis | Children and adolescents | Pandemic-related stress | Anxiety; depression | Reported increased prevalence of depressive and anxiety symptoms | Vulnerability subgroup |
| World Health Organization[8] | Policy report | Global population | Infodemic exposure | Distress | Highlighted potential harm from information overload and misinformation | Infodemic concept |
| Gao et al[9] | Cross-sectional | Chinese population | Social media exposure | Anxiety; depression | High social media exposure was linked to poorer mental health | Modern empirical support |
| Bendau et al[10] | Cross-sectional | Adults | COVID-19 media consumption | Anxiety; depression | Media use correlated with symptoms of anxiety, depression, and COVID-related fear | Strong modern evidence |
| Olagoke et al[11] | Cross-sectional | Adults | News exposure | Depression; risk perception | Exposure to coronavirus news was associated with higher distress | Supports exposure effect |
| Satici et al[12] | Mediation analysis | Adults | Uncertainty | Anxiety; wellbeing | Intolerance of uncertainty and rumination mediated distress | Mechanism: Uncertainty |
| Garfin et al[22] | Systematic review | Mixed populations | Acute stress exposure | Health outcomes | Acute stress predicted later health outcomes | Stress pathway |
| McEwen[18] | Review | General | Stress | Neurobiological impact | Described allostatic load as a cumulative biological burden | Biological plausibility |
| Arnsten[19] | Review | Neurobiology | Stress | Prefrontal cortex dysfunction | Stress impairs prefrontal/executive control | Mechanism |
| LeDoux[20] | Review | Neurobiology | Threat processing | Emotional circuits | Described amygdala-based threat processing | Mechanism |
| Chao et al[13] | Cross-sectional | General population | COVID-19 media exposure | Anxiety; stress | Media use was linked to acute psychological outcomes | Strong synthesis |
| Thompson et al[17] | Cross-sectional | United States adults | Ebola media exposure | Distress; worry | Media exposure predicted distress during a global health crisis | Population evidence |
| Buchanan et al[14] | Experimental | Adults | Doomscrolling vs positive content | Affect; optimism | Negative content produced immediate emotional decline; positive content did not | Mechanistic support |
Studies were excluded when they focused only on direct trauma exposure without relevance to indirect or media-based exposure, when they were purely theoretical without clear clinical or conceptual relevance, or when they were not available in English. Because this was a structured narrative review rather than a systematic review, no formal risk-of-bias assessment was performed. Instead, the review was conducted in accordance with the SANRA recommendations for narrative reviews[21], with particular attention to search transparency, methodological consistency, scientific reasoning, and the balanced interpretation of the available evidence.
Because the included literature varied substantially in design and measurement, no quantitative meta-analysis was performed. Findings were synthesised narratively, with attention to consistency across study types, clinical plausibility, and recurring mechanisms. The synthesis focused on four main domains: Exposure to threat-related information, cognitive mechanisms such as intolerance of uncertainty and rumination, behavioral patterns such as repeated checking or doomscrolling, and neurobiological concepts related to stress-system activation and recovery.
The concept of external stress overload was developed as a working framework during the synthesis. It was not treated as an established diagnosis or as a replacement for existing trauma-related constructs. Rather, it was used to describe a pattern in which repeated indirect exposure to threat-related information, combined with insufficient recovery, may contribute to sustained psychological and physiological stress activation.
The framework was developed by identifying areas of overlap and gaps within the existing literature and integrating these observations into a unified conceptual model. In particular, it aimed to connect clinical observations of distress and sleep disturbance with research on media exposure, uncertainty, repetitive information-seeking, and stress biology.
The literature identified for this review was broad and methodologically diverse. It included longitudinal population studies, cross-sectional surveys, experimental studies, systematic reviews, meta-analyses, and conceptual papers. This heterogeneity precludes simple causal inferences but reflects the complexity of indirect threat exposure across different research traditions and clinical settings and outcomes.
Across the included studies, a consistent pattern emerged. Indirect exposure to threat-related information, particularly through media and digital platforms, was associated with psychological distress, including acute stress reactions, anxiety, depressive symptoms, sleep disturbance, and functional impairment. Importantly, these associations appeared to depend not only on the amount of exposure but also on its emotional tone, repetition, graphic content, uncertainty, and perceived uncontrollability.
Early work on vicarious trauma and secondary traumatic stress demonstrated that individuals may experience psychological consequences through exposure to the traumatic experiences of others, even in the absence of direct personal harm[1,2]. These concepts were originally developed to describe occupational exposure among clinicians, first responders, and other care professionals. Subsequent research has broadened this perspective by examining whether comparable psychological processes may also occur at the population level during collective crises, disasters, pandemics, and highly publicised traumatic events[3].
This broader application should be interpreted with caution. Indirect exposure through news or social media is not equivalent to occupational trauma exposure or direct exposure to life-threatening events. Taken together, evidence from longitudinal and population-based studies suggests that repeated, emotionally salient, and difficult-to-avoid exposure to threat-related information may be associated with clinically relevant psychological distress. Although these findings do not establish causality, they support the view that indirect exposure may contribute to adverse psychological outcomes under specific conditions.
Longitudinal investigations following the September 11 terrorist attacks and the Boston Marathon bombing provide the strongest observational evidence currently available in this field[4-6]. Across these studies, repeated exposure to media coverage after collective traumatic events was associated with acute stress reactions, post-traumatic stress symptoms, anxiety, and functional impairment. Importantly, these associations were observed even among individuals who had not been directly present at the affected sites.
The available evidence also indicates that media exposure is not a homogeneous construct. Characteristics such as repetitive viewing, graphic imagery, emotionally charged reporting, and continuous exposure appear to be more consistently associated with psychological distress than brief or predominantly factual information exposure[5,7]. This distinction has potential clinical relevance because it suggests that the quality and pattern of exposure may be more important than exposure alone. Individuals who repeatedly engage with distressing content over prolonged periods may therefore differ substantially from those who access news intermittently to remain informed.
Evidence from cross-sectional studies, supported by systematic reviews and meta-analyses, consistently suggests that repeated media exposure may contribute to psychological distress following large-scale crises[7,13,22]. During the COVID-19 pandemic, prolonged consumption of crisis-related media was consistently associated with anxiety, depressive symptoms, fear, and general psychological distress[9,10,13]. While most available studies are cross-sectional and cannot establish temporal or causal relationships, the consistency of findings across different populations supports the hypothesis that repeated exposure to emotionally salient threat-related information may contribute to psychological burden.
Evidence across developmental stages remains uneven. Most longitudinal and population-based studies have examined adults. Evidence in children and adolescents is more limited and has largely arisen from pandemic-period research, which commonly measured anxiety and depressive symptoms rather than effects attributable specifically to media exposure[16]. The available literature therefore does not establish whether indirect threat exposure has systematically different effects across age groups.
Experimental studies provide complementary evidence that even brief exposure to negatively valenced social media content can influence short-term emotional responses. For example, exposure to negative COVID-19-related content was associated with reduced positive affect and optimism, whereas exposure to positive or prosocial material did not produce comparable adverse effects[14]. Although these studies evaluate short-term responses, they support the notion that emotional characteristics of media content may influence immediate psychological functioning.
Observational studies likewise associate frequent exposure to negative or crisis-related news with higher perceived risk, depressive symptoms, and emotional distress[11]. These findings should not be interpreted as demonstrating that negative news directly causes psychiatric disorders. Rather, emotionally intense and repetitive content may amplify existing distress, particularly in individuals who are already vulnerable because of ongoing stress, sleep disturbance, social isolation, or uncertainty.
Several studies identify cognitive processes that may contribute to the persistence of distress, with intolerance of uncertainty and rumination emerging as particularly relevant mechanisms[12]. When threat-related information is incomplete or continuously changing, individuals may seek additional information in an attempt to regain a sense of predictability and control. Although such behavior can be adaptive, repetitive and emotionally driven information seeking may instead perpetuate anxiety.
This process resembles a behavioral feedback cycle in which psychological distress increases media engagement, repeated exposure reinforces perceptions of threat, and further information seeking maintains emotional activation. Clinically, this pattern may manifest as doomscrolling, compulsive checking of updates, difficulty disengaging from news before sleep, or repeated reassurance seeking through digital media.
Current neurobiological evidence does not demonstrate that repeated media exposure directly causes specific structural or functional brain alterations. Rather, findings from chronic stress research provide an indirect mechanistic context for understanding why persistent indirect threat exposure may become clinically relevant. Repeated stress exposure has been associated with increased amygdala reactivity, reduced prefrontal regulatory control, and cumulative physiological burden reflected in allostatic load[18-20].
Within the context of indirect media exposure, these observations should be regarded as hypothesis-generating rather than causal. Collectively, they provide biological plausibility for the proposed conceptual framework by suggesting that repeated exposure to emotionally salient threat-related information, particularly when recovery is limited, may con
Taken together, the reviewed evidence suggests that indirect exposure to threat-related information may influence psychological well-being through several interacting mechanisms, including emotional amplification, uncertainty-driven rumination, repetitive information seeking, inadequate recovery, and stress-system activation. Although individual studies differ in methodology and cannot establish a single causal pathway, these mechanisms appear broadly consistent across longitudinal, cross-sectional, experimental, and conceptual evidence.
The proposed framework of external stress overload is intended to integrate these converging observations into a coherent conceptual framework. It describes a pattern in which persistent indirect exposure to emotionally salient threat-related information, combined with insufficient psychological recovery, may contribute to sustained psychological distress. The framework is not proposed as a new diagnostic entity and should not be regarded as a replacement for established constructs such as vicarious trauma, secondary traumatic stress, or infodemic-related distress. Rather, it provides an integrative clinical and public health framework for understanding how these overlapping processes may operate within contemporary digital information environments. The proposed relationships between indirect exposure, cognitive and behavioral mechanisms, recovery capacity, distress, and psychological outcomes are summarized in Figure 1.
External stress overload overlaps with several established constructs but is not identical to them. Vicarious trauma and secondary traumatic stress have mainly been developed in relation to professional exposure to the suffering of others. The infodemic concept focuses on information overload, misinformation, and public communication. Doomscrolling describes a behavioral pattern of continued exposure to negative digital content. The proposed framework of external stress overload integrates these observations within a broader conceptual model linking clinical distress, impaired recovery, and stress-system activation.
Cyberchondria is narrower in scope: It concerns repetitive online searching for health information and the escalation of health anxiety. External stress overload addresses a broader class of threat-related information and does not require health-focused searching. The two constructs may overlap when health threats dominate the information environment, but they are not interchangeable.
Stress-vulnerability models provide the broader principle that environmental stress interacts with individual susceptibility. The present framework specifies one contemporary exposure pathway within that principle: Repeated indirect threat information, reinforced by difficulty disengaging and insufficient recovery. Its contribution is therefore not a new general theory of stress, but a testable account of how modern information environments may maintain clinically relevant distress.
The concept should therefore be used cautiously. It is not a substitute for post-traumatic stress disorder, acute stress disorder, anxiety disorders, depression, or adjustment disorder. Rather, it may help identify one contributing pathway in patients whose symptoms are shaped by repeated indirect.
Clinicians may consider exploring repetitive checking of distressing news, difficulty disengaging from emotionally salient media, perceived relief after checking followed by renewed anxiety, sleep disruption related to media exposure, and functional impairment associated with persistent information seeking.
For clinical practice, the most immediate implication is assessment. Patients rarely present by saying that they suffer from “media-induced stress”. They more often report insomnia, anxiety, irritability, concentration problems, exhaustion, fear, or a sense of being unable to switch off. In such cases, it may be clinically useful to ask about patterns of news con
This does not mean that clinicians should minimize the reality of external threats. Many global events are genuinely frightening and morally distressing. The clinical task is different: To understand when information exposure has become repetitive, dysregulating, and no longer helpful for coping. In that situation, interventions may reasonably focus on restoring recovery, reducing compulsive checking, improving sleep routines, and addressing intolerance of uncertainty and rumination. Cognitive behavioral and metacognitive approaches may be relevant, particularly when repeated information-seeking is driven by attempts to reduce uncertainty. Simple behavioral strategies may also matter: Limiting exposure before sleep, avoiding repeated viewing of graphic material, creating planned information windows, and helping patients distinguish between staying informed and remaining continuously activated.
This review suggests that indirect exposure to threat-related information may be more clinically relevant than it is often assumed to be. The main point is not that media exposure should be treated as trauma in the same way as direct exposure to violence, disaster, or personal threat. Rather, the literature indicates that repeated exposure to distressing, uncertain, and emotionally intense information can contribute to psychological strain, particularly when exposure is prolonged and recovery is limited.
The proposed framework of external stress overload is intended to integrate these converging observations into a coherent conceptual model of indirect stress-related psychological burden. Its value lies not in introducing a new diagnosis but in providing a conceptual framework for understanding an increasingly recognized pattern of indirect stress exposure. It brings together findings from several areas that are usually discussed separately: Vicarious trauma, disaster media exposure, infodemic-related distress, doomscrolling, intolerance of uncertainty, and stress biology. The value of the concept lies not in creating a new diagnosis, but in giving clinicians and researchers a language for a pattern that is increasingly visible in modern life.
A central feature of the model is the absence of sufficient recovery. Traditional trauma models often begin with a defined event. In contrast, external stress overload refers to a more diffuse and repeated exposure pattern. The individual may not be directly involved in the event, but may remain psychologically engaged with threat-related material over days, weeks, or months. In some patients, this appears as persistent alertness, difficulty sleeping, irritability, fearfulness, emotional exhaustion, or inability to disengage from information that worsens their distress.
Developmental interpretation requires equal caution. The available evidence does not determine whether caregiver mediation, developmental stage, emotion-regulation capacity, or differing patterns of digital-media use modify exposure or recovery. Direct age-group comparisons are scarce, and these factors should not be treated as established vulnerability markers. Comparative studies are needed to determine how caregiver mediation, developmental stage, exposure patterns, and recovery interact.
Recovery should be measured rather than inferred. Candidate domains include sleep duration and continuity, perceived restoration, time spent disengaged from threat-related information, return of affect and arousal toward baseline, cognitive control, and social support. Measuring these domains would allow prospective tests of whether recovery modifies the association between exposure and subsequent distress.
Several mechanisms may be involved. Repeated exposure to threat-related material may increase vigilance and make the environment feel less safe. Emotionally intense images or narratives may amplify distress more strongly than factual information alone. Uncertainty is also important. When information is incomplete, conflicting, or rapidly changing, some individuals try to reduce anxiety by checking more frequently. Clinically, this can become a paradoxical pattern: The person seeks information to feel safer, but the repeated checking maintains arousal.
Two related pathways should be distinguished. The emotional salience, graphic character, and repetition of the content may intensify threat appraisal. Separately, prolonged digital engagement, information overload, repetitive checking, doomscrolling, and difficulty disengaging may sustain arousal and reduce opportunities for recovery even when the content is not itself traumatic. These pathways may operate independently, in parallel, or as mediating and moderating processes. Current studies do not establish their relative contribution.
This behavioral loop is important because it is potentially modifiable. A patient may not be able to change the global event, the war, the pandemic, or the political instability that triggered the distress. However, the pattern of exposure, checking, rumination, and sleep disruption may be addressed in treatment. This is where the model may have practical clinical relevance.
The neurobiological literature should be interpreted carefully. Current evidence does not prove that indirect media exposure causes specific neural changes. However, evidence from stress neurobiology provides an indirect mechanistic context for interpreting these observations. Repeated activation of threat-processing systems, reduced prefrontal regulation, and cumulative allostatic load may help explain why some individuals remain in a state of sustained arousal after repeated indirect exposure. At this stage, these mechanisms should be seen as biologically plausible pathways rather than established causal findings.
At a population level, the findings raise questions about the mental health effects of the modern information environment. Public health communication is necessary during crises, but communication that is excessive, contradictory, or emotionally amplified may inadvertently increase psychological burden rather than alleviate uncertainty. Similarly, digital platforms may intensify exposure by repeatedly presenting emotionally salient content, especially when algorithms reward engagement.
The concept of external stress overload may therefore be useful beyond individual clinical assessment. It suggests that media practices, public health messaging, and digital platform design should be considered part of the wider mental health environment. Clear, proportionate, and actionable communication may reduce uncertainty, while repeated fear-based messaging may unintentionally increase distress.
This is particularly relevant for vulnerable groups, including individuals with pre-existing anxiety, trauma histories, sleep problems, high uncertainty intolerance, or limited social support. For these individuals, the boundary between being informed and being psychologically overloaded may be crossed more easily.
This review has several limitations. First, much of the available evidence is observational, and many studies are cross-sectional. This means that the direction of the association between media exposure and psychological distress cannot always be determined. It is possible that repeated exposure contributes to distress, but it is also possible that individuals who are already anxious, uncertain, sleep-deprived, or vulnerable are more likely to seek threat-related information. Second, the studies included in this field use different definitions and measures of exposure. Some examine television news, others social media, disaster-related images, pandemic information, doomscrolling, or general news consumption. These are not identical forms of exposure. A brief factual update is clinically different from repeated viewing of graphic images or compulsive checking before sleep. Future studies need more precise and standardized measures of indirect threat exposure. Third, a large part of the recent literature comes from the COVID-19 pandemic. This period was unusual because it combined real biological threat, social restriction, uncertainty, political conflict, and intensive media coverage. Findings from this context are important, but they may not fully generalise to other stressors such as war, terrorism, climate-related disasters, economic instability, or political violence. The concept of external stress overload should therefore be regarded as a working framework rather than an established clinical construct. It needs to be tested in longitudinal and experimental studies. Future research should examine whether repeated indirect exposure predicts later anxiety, depressive symptoms, sleep disturbance, and functional impairment; whether intolerance of uncertainty, rumination, and repeated checking mediate this association; and whether recovery capacity, sleep quality, cognitive control, and social support modify individual vulnerability. Ecological momentary assessment offers a direct test of this sequence. Repeated within-day measurement of threat-related media exposure, checking behavior, affect, arousal, sleep, and perceived recovery could determine whether distress precedes increased exposure, follows it, or develops through a reciprocal cycle. Such designs would test the temporal claims of the framework rather than reproduce cross-sectional associations.
There is also a need for studies that combine psychological measures with biological or behavioral markers of stress regulation. Such work could help clarify whether persistent indirect threat exposure is associated with measurable changes in arousal, sleep, attention, or stress-system activation. Finally, intervention studies are needed to examine whether reducing maladaptive information engagement, improving media literacy, and strengthening tolerance of uncertainty can reduce distress in individuals who are clinically affected by repeated exposure to threat-related in
Indirect exposure to threat-related information is distinct from direct traumatic exposure and should not be regarded as an equivalent clinical phenomenon. Nevertheless, the evidence reviewed in this study suggests that repeated exposure to distressing, uncertain, and emotionally salient information may become clinically relevant, particularly when exposure is prolonged, difficult to disengage from, and accompanied by insufficient psychological recovery. The proposed framework of external stress overload integrates evidence from research on vicarious trauma, disaster-related media exposure, infodemic-related distress, doomscrolling, intolerance of uncertainty, and stress neurobiology. Its purpose is not to introduce a new diagnostic construct but to provide an integrative conceptual framework for understanding how contemporary information environments may contribute to sustained psychological distress and functional impairment in some individuals. From a clinical perspective, the framework encourages systematic assessment of media exposure, not as a judgement of news consumption itself, but as one potential maintaining factor in persistent distress. For some patients, interventions aimed at reducing repetitive threat-related information seeking, improving sleep and psychological recovery, addressing rumination, and strengthening tolerance of uncertainty may represent useful components of treatment. From a public mental health perspective, the findings also suggest that communication during large-scale crises should be clear, proportionate, and actionable. Although timely information is essential, excessive, graphic, contradictory, or continuously amplified threat-related information may inadvertently contribute to psychological burden in vulnerable individuals. The proposed framework of external stress overload remains conceptual and requires empirical validation. Future longitudinal, experimental, and intervention studies are needed to clarify temporal relationships, identify vulnerable populations, examine potential mediating and moderating mechanisms, and determine whether modifying patterns of media engagement and promoting psychological recovery can reduce distress. The scientific contribution of the framework is a falsifiable sequence linking indirect threat exposure, impaired disengagement, inadequate recovery, and subsequent distress. Prospective studies can now test each link, compare media types and populations, and determine whether recovery and information-engagement patterns modify risk.
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